|
[①] See Simon Dentith, Society and Cultural Forms in Nineteenth Century England, London: Macmillan, 1998, p. 9; see also H. S. Jones, Victorian Political Thought, London: MacMillan, 2000, p. 74. [②] See Simon Dentith, Society and Cultural Forms in Nineteenth Century England, p. 9; see also H. S. Jones, Victorian Political Thought, p. 2. [③] See Basil Willey, Nineteenth-Century Studies, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964 (1949), p. 53. [④] T. S. Eliot, The Idea of a Christian Society, London: Faber & Faber, 1939, p. 8. [⑤] Thomas Carlyle, Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, 5 vols., ed. by Henry Duff Traill, Centenary Edition, 1899, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, vol. 3, pp. 13-15. 后文出自该著作的引文，将随文在括号内标出该著名称首词、卷次和引文出处页码，不再另行作注。 [⑥] Thomas Carlyle, Sartor Resartus, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, pp. 55, 186. 后文出自该著作的引文，将随文在括号内标出该著名称首词和引文出处页码，不再另行作注。 [⑦] J. S. Mill, Mill On Bentham and Coleridge, intro. by F. R. Leavis, London: Chatto & Windus, 1950, p. 124. [⑧] Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, ed. by Henry Duff Traill, Centenary Edition, 1897, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 286. 后文出自该著作的引文，将随文在括号内标出该著名称首词和引文出处页码，不再另行作注。 [⑨] A. O. J. Cockshut, “Victorian Thought”, in Arthur Pollard, ed., The Victorians, London: Sphere, 1970, p.14. [⑩] Thomas Carlyle, The French Revolution, London: Chapman and Hall, 1903, pp. 9-15. [11] 参见雷蒙德·威廉斯对“knowable community”的讨论。See Raymond Williams, The English Novel from Dickens to Lawrence, London: Chatto & Windus, 1970, pp. 14-18. [12] Charles Dickens, Great Expectations, ed. by Margaret Cardwell, Oxford: Clarendon, 1993, p. 208. [13] Ferdinand Tönnies, Community and Civil Society, trans. Jose Harris and Margaret Hollis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, pp. 17, 19. [14] Charles Richard Sanders, Kenneth J. Fielding and Clyde de L. Ryals ed., The Collected Letters of Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1970-1995, vol. 16, p. 39. [15] 对“财富”（wealth）的重新界定也是卡莱尔作品中的一个主题，约翰·罗斯金（J. Ruskin）后来在《给那后来的》（1862）一书中更为直接地批判了穆勒在其政治经济学论述中对“财富”的定义并作了新的界定。这都反映了维多利亚时代文人在思考社会问题时的一种“词语忧虑”。 [16] Philip Rosenberg, The Seventh Hero: Thomas Carlyle and the Theory of Radical Activism, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1974, pp. 171, 142. [17] 有评论家指出，卡莱尔的这种思想是受了法国思想家圣西门（Saint-Simon）的影响。圣西门将历史分为古典时代、中世纪和工业时代，工业时代需要延续中世纪信仰、秩序和责任观念，却不是要回归中世纪。See Alice Chandler, A Dream of Order: The Medieval Ideal in Nineteenth-Century English Literature, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970, pp. 132-133. [18] Charles Richard Sanders, Kenneth J. Fielding and Clyde de L. Ryals ed., The Collected Letters of Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle, vol. 5, p. 136. [19] Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History, ed. by Henry Duff Traill, Centenary Edition, London: Chapman and Hall, 1893, pp. 171-172. 后文出自该著作的引文，将随文在括号内标出该著名称首词和引文出处页码，不再另行作注。 [20] See Rosemary Ashton, The German Idea: Four English Writers and the Reception of German Thought 1800-1860, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980, p. 71. [21] Thomas Carlyle, The Life of John Sterling, ed. by Henry Duff Traill, Centenary Edition, 1897, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 58. [22] John Morrow, Thomas Carlyle, London: Hambledon Continuum, 2006, p. 12. [23] Basil Willey, Nineteenth-Century Studies, p. 127. [24] Basil Willey, Nineteenth-Century Studies, p. 114. [25] Geroge Eliot, “Thomas Carlyle”, in A. S. Byatt and Nicholas Warren ed., George Eliot: Selected Essays, Poems and Other Writings, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990, pp. 343-344. [26] 乔治·艾略特1873年对迈尔斯所说的话。See Basil Willey, Nineteenth-Century Studies, p. 214. [27] Ruth apRoberts, “Carlyle’s Religion: The New Evangel”, in P. E. Kerry and J. S. Crisler, ed., Literature and Belief, Vol. 25: 1&2, Provo, Utah: the Center for the Study of Christian Values in Literature, Brigham Young University, 2005, p. 117. [28] Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols and The Anti-Christ, trans. R. J. Hollingdale, London: Penguin, 1990, p. 86. [29] Fred Kaplan, Thomas Carlyle, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 48-49. [30] Harold Bloom, “Introduction”, in Harold Bloom, ed., Thomas Carlyle, New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1986, p. 9. [31] J. A. Froude, Thomas Carlyle: A History of His Life in London, vol. 2, London: Longmans, 1902, p. 423. [32] Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols and The Anti-Christ, p. 85. [33] 卡莱尔也有这样的论证逻辑，如他在《时代特征》中阐述过“自我意识”：健康的人不知道自己健康，只有病人才会意识到健康的宝贵。（Critical:3:1）其实，病愈之人也会意识到健康的宝贵，尼采便没有看到卡莱尔后来已经摆脱宗教困惑。 [34] 卡莱尔反复强调通过“行动（Action）”或“劳动（Work）”来获得信仰，这属于一种由外及内的信仰“养成”，尽管影响过很多人，但也有质疑之声。例如，诗人克拉夫（A. H. Clough）就怀疑这样得到的是否是“真正的”信仰。See Philip Davis, Why Victorian Literature Still Matters, Chichester, West Sussex: Willey-Blackwell, 2008, pp. 40-42. [35] Charles Richard Sanders, Kenneth J. Fielding and Clyde de L. Ryals ed., The Collected Letters of Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle, vol. 5, p. 136. [36] See Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957, p. 310. [37] 卡莱尔在《论历史》一文中将历史比作“网”，也包含着动态的发展。（Critical: 3: 175） [38] 勃兰兑斯引用法国作家阿尔弗雷德·德·缪塞的话来形容19世纪人们因信仰迷失和思想混乱而产生的绝望之情：“永恒就象一个老鹰巢，世纪就象一只只雏鹰挨个地飞出巢来在宇宙中飞翔。现在轮到我们这个世纪来到巢边了。它站在那里瞪眼瞧着，但它的翅膀却给剪掉了，它凝视着无限的太空，飞不起来，只有等死。”（详见勃兰兑斯《十九世纪文学主流》（第一分册），张道真译，人民文学出版社，1997年，第45页。） [39] Chris R. Vanden Bossche, “Introduction” , in Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, xix. [40] Peter Allan Dale, In Pursuit of a Scientific Culture: Science, Art, and Society in the Victorian Age, Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989, p. 14. (责任编辑：admin) |